By Laurajane Smith
This debatable e-book is a survey of the way relationships among indigenous peoples and the archaeological institution have gotten into trouble, and a vital pointer to tips on how to movement ahead from this point.
With lucid value determinations of key debates akin to NAGPRA, Kennewick and the repatriation of Tasmanian artefacts, Laurajane Smith dissects the character and outcomes of this conflict of cultures.
Smith explores how indigenous groups within the united states and Australia have faced the pre-eminence of archaeological conception and discourse within the method the cloth is still in their earlier are cared for and regulated, and the way this has challenged conventional archaeological inspiration and practice.
Essential examining for all these curious about constructing a simply and equivalent discussion among the 2 events, and the position of archaeology within the examine and administration in their heritage.
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Extra info for Archaeological Theory and the Politics of Cultural Heritage
The percentage of Aboriginal or Indian ‘blood’ was used as the basis for determining access to certain Federal or State provided resources (Lippman 1992; Jaimes 1992; McGrath 1995b). In America access to land under the General Allotment Act of 1887 was determined by degree of Indian blood, so that under this Act only those with half or more ‘Indian blood’ could receive land while those with less than ‘half blood’ were disenfranchised (Jaimes 1992: 126). In Australia, the classification of a person as Aboriginal effectively rendered that individual exempt from recognition by the Federal government, which meant that they came under the auspices of their local State law that regulated their movements and employment.
The control of cultural identity is significant in the development and assertion of Indigenous politics. Indigenous material culture as a physical symbol of cultural identity also becomes an important political resource in this context. As Langford (1983) pointed out to an Australian archaeological audience, the control of Aboriginal heritage is not only important in the negotiation of land claims, but also important in the control and maintenance of community cohesion and identity, and in asserting a sense of self-sufficiency and self-worth.
For archaeology, it is to risk losing access or control over data and knowledge of the past; for Indigenous peoples it risks further alienation from their cultural knowledge and traditions. In Australia, this situation is exacerbated by the contradictory situation created by the Australian Archaeological Association code of ethics on the one hand, and adherence to processual theoretical concerns on the other. The Australian Archaeological Association code of ethics recognizes the priority of Indigenous access to the data of archaeology and encourages Indigenous participation in the generation of research questions and practices (AAA 1991).