By Steve Sheinkin

In December of 1938, a chemist in a German laboratory made a stunning discovery: whilst positioned subsequent to radioactive fabric, a Uranium atom break up in . that easy discovery introduced a systematic race that spanned three continents. In nice Britain and the us, Soviet spies labored their manner into the clinical group; in Norway, a commando strength slipped at the back of enemy traces to assault German heavy-water production; and deep within the wilderness, one incredible team of scientists used to be hidden away at a distant web site at Los Alamos. this can be the tale of the plotting, the risk-taking, the deceit, and genius that created the world's such a lot bold weapon. this can be the tale of the atomic bomb.

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Extra info for Bomb: The Race to Build—and Steal—the World's Most Dangerous Weapon

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22 The revolt has been initiated from the top - much like Bismarck's reforms of Prussian society and the state - to match the nation's power with that of its foreign competitors. The success of these reforms and the ability of the Gorbachev regime to hold on to power is by no means assured at this writing. There are those who want reforms to go faster and farther and those, principally within the party and governmental bureaucracies, who resist what reforms have been attempted. There is also a perplexed population anxious about the possible losses of privilege and welfare guarantees, however modest by Western standards, that the old regime assured in the absence of compensating assurances that reforms will make their lives The Cold War as Cooperation 17 better.

24 It is against this background of great effort and unrequited expectations that the rationale for this project can be best appreciated. Both superpowers have come to the realization, marked by differing rates of learning reflected in major shifts in policy aims and instruments and their slow - at times desultory, at times lurching and abrupt - disengagement from Cold War politics, that they have overextended their limited power often with dubious and untoward results abroad and not seldom with damaging consequences at home.

The division of Germany and Europe, as the chapters on West and East Europe suggest, is the most prominent example of second and third level choices or preferences prevailing since neither side had the power or the opportunity to compel the other to accept its views about how national power should be distributed in Europe and what socioeconomic and political regimes should be instituted. Both powers have also gradually, if reluctantly, adjusted to the division of Korea and to their respective spheres of influence in the Middle East, Africa, and Asia although opportunities and instances of mutual challenge persist.

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